In 2477/70
252
C. S. O. No. 221.
HONGKONG, 22ND JANUARY, 1870. (Received 22nd January.)
CHAIRMAN-CHAMBER OF COMMERCE
(HON. W. KESWICK)
TO
COLONIAL SECRETARY
(Hon. J. GARDINER AUSTIN).
Supplementary Convention with China.
Forwards Memorial of Chamber of Commerce
in reference to--
Governor
8574
244
Inclosure N. I'm
MacDonnell's
Fir R. J.
Despatch No
January 1870. Jenner
The Daily Press
HONGKONG, JANUARY 24TH, 1870.
THE HONGKONG CHAMBER OF COMMERCE MEMORIAL TO EARL CLARENDON.
To the Right Honorable GEORGE WILLIAM, EARL OF CLARENDON, K.G., Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.
MY LORD,
As the time has arrived when, according to the terms of the Treaty of Tien-tain, a revision of some of its clauses can be effected, the foreign residents here, and in the Open Ports of China, feel no slight degree of anxiety as to the policy which the British Government intends to adopt. Their anxiety is considerably increased by the tone of the English press, by the speeches delivered in the House of Commons during the debate on the affairs of China last July; and still more by the tenor of some of your Lordship's recent despatches to Sir Rutherford Alcock. Memorials have been addressed to the British Minister at Peking by the various foreign Communities in China; one was forwarded by us, in October, 1867, to his Grace the Duke of Buckingham, the then Secretary of State for the Colonies; and one has also been presented by a leading Firm to His Excellency Sir Richard Graves MacDonnell, the Governor of Hongkong. In all of them, the opinions of the Merchants resident in China, as to the policy which ought to be adopted by the British Government in its dealings with that country, are forcibly, but temperately, expressed.
It is, therefore, with mingled feelings of disappointment and apprehension, that we perceive that the opinions of men, who, from their long acquaintance and extensive dealings with the Chinese, and from the magnitude of the interests represented by them, are entitled at least to consideration, are persistently disregarded. As Sir Rutherford Alcock is on his way to England, and as the time fixed for the revision of the Treaty has arrived, we deem it our duty now to address your Lordship directly, and respectfully to submit to your consideration the views entertained by us upon the present political and commercial state of China, and the measures which appear to us incumbent on the British Government to adopt.
We need not refer your Lordship to the history of British intercourse with China previous to the termination of the war in 1842. From the Treaty which was signed at Nanking in August that year, until the ratification at Peking in October, 1860, of the Convention made more than two years before at Tientsin, it is not too much to say that we have little to record but continuous and systematic evasions by the Chinese of their Treaty obligations; periodically culminating in such gross and insulting violations of them, as to occasion constantly recurring hostilities.
The Mandarins persistently opposed any extension of British trade or influence within the Chinese Empire; and it was only after the lapse of considerable time and a large expenditure of blood and money, that their traditional exclusiveness had at last commenced slowly, but most gradually, to yield. The results were gratifying; a steady and increasing development of trade had met in, which promised almost a boundless expansion, from which vast benefits would have accrued to both countries. These brilliant prospects were, however, marred by the untoward events of 1857 and 1859; in the latter year, war having been caused solely by an act of signal perfidy on the part of the Chinese Government.
The Treaty of Tientsin purports to be a Treaty of "Peace, Friendship, Commerce, and Navigation" between England and China, and though in many particulars defective, it undoubtedly contained provisions which, had they been faithfully observed by the Chinese, would have led to an enormous increase of mercantile transactions between the two countries; and which, we believe, must also have largely conduced to increased civilization, and consequent improvement in the political and social condition of the Chinese. We complain, however, that some of its most important provisions have been altogether disregarded, while others have been systematically evaded.
The Chinese Government, corrupt and inert, deficient in centralised authority, and in many respects utterly powerless against the Mandarins of the interior, has virtually done nothing to carry out its obligations, except when compelled by pressure to perform. From the Chinese point of view, this policy was doubtless the wisest it could adopt under the circumstances; because it was the one most embarrassing to foreign Powers, who felt great difficulty in dealing with a Government that in effect proclaimed itself impotent. We are free to admit, too, that until the Tai-ping Rebellion was crushed, it would have been both impolitic and oppressive to have been unduly rigorous in compelling the strict observance of some of the provisions of the Treaty.
The Chinese Government succeeded in putting down the Rebellion, in great measure owing to foreign material aid; and after its suppression, no further violation or evasion of the Treaty ought to have been permitted. The Government had been effectually supported by foreign States, whose combined action would have enabled it to reduce to obedience its refractory officials, and so have produced such a moral effect throughout the Empire, as to render needless any recourse to violent measures to enforce Treaty rights. Unfortunately, other counsels prevailed: the Foreign Ministers at Peking allowed the favorable opportunity to pass; and since then, they have overlooked the infractions complained of; have in some instances excused or palliated the actions of Chinese Mandarins; while they have disregarded the representations of the resident merchants; to whom, on more than one occasion, interested and improper motives have most unwarrantably been imputed. The result is lamentable. Emboldened by impunity, the Chinese continue resolutely and openly to disregard their Treaty obligations; and the numerous and deliberate insults and outrages on their part which have of late been brought so prominently to notice, must give rise to well-founded apprehension.
It cannot be attributed to isolated antipathy to foreigners, that within so short a period, and in Provinces so distant from each other, we have to record the outrages at Yangchow, the robberies and murders in Formosa, the attack on Mr. Wolfe at Foochow, the refusal by Prince Kung to receive the Duke of Edinburgh, and the recent attack at Chunking, and subsequent insult reported to have been offered to the British Minister by the Tao-tai of Nanking. It scarcely admits of a doubt that, true to their old instincts, the Mandarins are again exciting amongst the ignorant and prejudiced classes, violent hatred against all foreigners, in the vain hope of being able, by combined action, at once and for ever to rid the country of them. In such a critical
In 2477/70
252
C. S. 0. No. 221.
HONGKONG, 22ND JANUARY, 1870. (Received 22nd January.)
CHAIRMAN-CHAMBER OF COMMERCE
(HON. W. KESWICK)
ΤΟ
COLONIAL SECRETARY
(Hox. J. GARDINER AUSTIN).
Supplementary Convention with China.
Forwards Memorial of Chamber of Commerce
in reference to--
Governor
8574
244
Inclosure N. I'm
MacDonnell's
Fir R. J.
Despatch No
January 1870. Jenner
The Daily Press
HONGKONG, JANUARY 24TH, 1870.
THE HONGKONG CHAMBER OF COM- MERCE MEMORIAL TO EARL OLARENDON.
To the Right Honorable GEORGE WILLIAM," EARL OF CLARENDON, K.G., Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. MY LORD,As the time has arrived when according to the terms of the Treaty of Tien- tain, arevision of some of its clauses can be effected, the foreign residents here, and in the Open Ports of China, feel no slight degree of anxiety as to the policy which the British Go- verament intends to adopt. Their anxiety is considerably increased by the tone of the Eng.. lish press, by the speeches delivered in the House of Commons during the debate on the affairs of China last July; and still more by the tenor of some of your Lordship's recent despatches to Sir Rutherford Alcock. Memo- rials have been addressed to the British Mi- uister at Peking by the various foreign Com." munities in China; one was forwarded by us. in October, 1867, to his Grace the Duke of Buckingham, the then Secretary of State for the Colonies; and one has also been presented by a leading Firm to His Excellency Sir Richard Graves MacDonnell, the Governor of Hongkong. In all of them the opinions of the Merchants resident in China, as to the policy which ought to be adopted by the British Go. vernment in its dealings with that country, are forcibly, but temperately, expressed.
It is, therefore, with mingled feelings of disappointment and apprehension, that we perceive that the opinions of men, who from their long acquaintance and extensive dealings with the Chinese, and from the magnitude of the interests represented by them, are entitled at least to consideration, are persistently diare- garded. As Sir Rutherford Alcock is on his way to England, and as the time fixed for the revision of the Treaty has arrived, we deem it our duty now to address your Lordship directly, and respectfully to submit to your consideration the views entertained by us upon the present political and commercial state of China, and the measures which appear to us incumbent on the British Government to adopt.
We need not refer your Lordship to the his- tory of British intercourse with China previous to the termination of the war in 1842. From the Treaty which was signed at Nanking in August that year, until the ratification at Pe- king in October, 1860, of the Convention made more than two years before at Tientsin, it is not too much to say that we have little to record but continuous and systematic evasions by the Chinese of their Treaty obligations; periodically culminating in such gross and insulting viola- tions of them, as to occasion constantly recar. ring hostilities.
The Mandarins persistently opposed any extension of British trade or influence within the Chinese Empire; and it was only after the lapse of considerable time and a large expendi- ture of blood and money, that their traditional exclusiveness had at last commenced slowly, but most gradually, to yield. The results were gratifying; a steady and increasing development of trade had met in, which promised almost a -boundless expansion, from which rast benefits These would have accrued to both countries. brilliant prospects were, however, marred by the untoward events of 1857 and 1859; in the latter year, war having been caused solely by an act of signal perfidy on the part of the Chinese Government.
The Treaty of Tientsin purports to be a Treaty of" Peace, Friendabip, Commerce, and Naviga tion" between England and China, and though in many particulars defective, it undoubtedly contained provisions which, had they been i faithfully observed by the Chinese, would have led to an enormous increase of mercantile transactions between the two countries; and which, we believe, must also have largely con- duced to increased civilization, and consequent tmprovement in the political and social condi- tion of the Chinese. We complain, however, that some of its most important provisions have bean altogether disregarded, while others have been systematically evaded.
The Chinese Government, corrupt and inert, deficient in centralised authority, and in many respects utterly powerless against the Man- darins of the interior, bas virtually done nothing to carry out its obligations, except when com- pelled by pressure to perform. From the Chinese point of view, this policy was doubtless the wisest it could adopt under the circum- stances; because it was the one most embarras- sing to foreign Powers, who felt great difficulty in dealing with a Government that in effect proclaimed itself impotent. We are free to admit, too, that until the Tai-ping Rebellion was crushed, it would have been both impolitic and oppressive, to have been unduly rigorous in compelling the strict observance of some of the provisions of the Treaty.
The Chinese Government succeeded in put- ting down the Rebellion, in great measure owing to foreign material aid; and after its suppression, no further violation or evasion of the Treaty ought to have been permitted. The Government had been effectually supported by foreign States, whose combined action would have enabled it to reduce to obedience its refractory officials, and so have produced such a moral effect throughout the Empire, as to render needless any recourse to violent measures to enforce Treaty rights. Unfortunately, other counsels prevailed: the Foreign Ministers at Peking allowed the favorable opportunity to pass; and since then, they have overlooked the infractions complained of; have in some in- stances excused or palliated the actions of Chinese Mandarins; while they have disregarded the representations of the resident mer- cbante; to whom, on more than one occasion, interested and improper motives have most unwarrantably been imputed. The result is lamentable. Emboldened by impunity, the Chinese continue resolutely and openly to disregard their Treaty obligations;" and the numerous and deliberate insuits and outrages on their part which have of late been brought so prominently to notice, must give rise to well founded appréhension.
It cannot be attributed to isolated antipathy to foreigners, that within so short a period, and in Provinces so distant from each other, we have to record the outrages at Yangchow, the robberies and murders in Formosa, the attack on Mr. Wolfe at Foocbow, the refusal by Prince Kung to receive the Duke of Edin- burgh, and the recent attack at Ghunkin, and subsequent insult reported to have been offered to the British Minister by the Tao- tai of Nanking. It scarcely admits of al doubt that, true to their old instincts, the Mandarins are again exciting amongst the ignorant and prejudiced classes, violent hatred against all foreigners, in the vain hope of being able, by combined action, at once and for ever to rid the country of them. In such a critical
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